{"id":377628,"date":"2024-07-11T19:10:40","date_gmt":"2024-07-11T17:10:40","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.eunews.it\/2024\/07\/11\/gruppi-destra-parlamento-ue-differenze\/"},"modified":"2024-07-17T13:20:02","modified_gmt":"2024-07-17T11:20:02","slug":"conservatives-patriots-sovereignists-why-there-are-three-different-far-right-groups-in-the-eu-parliament","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.eunews.it\/en\/2024\/07\/11\/conservatives-patriots-sovereignists-why-there-are-three-different-far-right-groups-in-the-eu-parliament\/","title":{"rendered":"Conservatives, patriots, sovereignists. Why there are three different far-right groups in the EU Parliament"},"content":{"rendered":"

Brussels – If it were united, it could almost aspire to become the leading group in the European Parliament. But the European right<\/strong>\u2014the conservative, sovereignist, patriotic and extreme right\u2014is divided into three, quarrelsome perhaps more than ever<\/strong>, and with contours that are almost always indefinable, whereby a national party can switch from one group to another (or be excluded) for reasons that are not very political and all strategic. This week, the last before the July 16\u201319 inaugural session in Strasbourg, the long-awaited earthquake in the right-wing camp<\/a> went on in the EU Parliament, delivering an even less easy-to-analyze picture. European Conservatives and Reformists<\/strong> (ECR), Patriots for Europe<\/strong> (PfE) and Europe of Sovereign Nations<\/strong> (ESN) are the three acronyms that will characterize the tenth legislature, with some points of contact but also a vision of European integration that is slowly beginning to differ.<\/p>\n

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\"Viktor<\/a>
From left: former Prime Minister of the Czech Republic and leader of Ano 2011, Andrej Babi\u0161, Austrian Freedom Party (FP\u00d6) chairman Herbert Kickl, and the Prime Minister of Hungary, Viktor Orb\u00e1n (June 30, 2024)<\/figcaption><\/figure>
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All eyes are on the Patriots for Europe<\/a> group, which was formed on Monday (July 8) and has already become the third largest group (84)<\/strong>, behind only the Populars (188) and Social Democrats (136). Within it are the Hungarians of Fidesz, the Italians of Lega, the French of Rassemblement National, the Spaniards of Vox, and ten other nationalist and extreme right-wing parties. In the absence of a political manifesto, not only the positions of the
\nmembers of the disbanded Identity and Democracy (ID)<\/a> group. are valid, but also the statements of the group’s first vice-president, the Hungarian Kinga G\u00e1l <\/strong>(Fidesz), at the end of the constituent meeting: “We want to provide a European alternative, not an alternative to Europe<\/strong>,” hinging its proposal on “defence of Judeo-Christian roots,” “combating illegal immigration,” and opposition to the Green Deal. The basic idea is an increase in the exclusive powers of nation-states, but not a total repudiation of what has been done in more than 70 years of European integration history. As already vindicated by the Hungarian premier, Viktor Orb\u00e1n<\/strong>, Rassemblement National MEP Jean-Paul Garraud<\/strong> made it clear to the press that “we want a return to what was there before Maastricht<\/strong>,” i.e., a European Economic Community (EEC) with very limited powers, before the Founding Treaty\u00a0 Maastricht 1992<\/a> included a whole series of new ones (foreign and security policy, justice, home affairs, common market).<\/p>\n