The “States General of Italy in Brussels,” which took place this Friday in the EU capital, are yet another attempt to give substantial organization to the Italian presence in the EU, not only at the level of government but at the level of coordination and collaboration among all Italian presences in the various institutions and companies.
The event cannot fail to bring to mind also the “pre-electoral ad” for the Meloni government, which in the Union obtains something, yields something, but above all has radically changed the approach toward the Union as a whole of its different components, namely two, Lega and Fratelli d’Italia. The sum of the three forces that form the government is different from the individuals’ positions. The result is a government that, particularly on economic and migration policy matters, stays within the Union, does not threaten the abandonment of the single currency or other policies, and indeed has become one of Ursula von der Leyen’s significant government voters for a second term (and, for the purpose, she has changed some of her positions considerably).
In return for this change, which may have surprised the voters of these political forces (not Forza Italia, which towards the EU has always had a different attitude), the government rebalances the situation by making it clear to citizens that not only ministers come to fight, but that they work to build a network between all the Italians in Brussels, institutions, politicians, businesses (who knows why the Italians who work in the think tanks present in Brussels—and who often exercise roles of relevant influence towards European institutions and the representations of other countries—are never taken into consideration). A net that must structurally reinforce the Italian presence while also protecting the careers of Italian officials, allowing for an increasingly national perspective to be presented. As Vice Premier Antonio Tajani reminded us honestly, European officials do not represent their countries in the institutions; nevertheless, all their colleagues in the regulatory activity emphasize the needs of their own countries, let’s put it that way.
A job Italy has practically never done. I write this because I have seen firsthand the onslaught at the fortress of cabinets and the various discretionary offices assigned with each legislature change. The struggle is traditionally between influential Italians, each of whom works to place his man where he thinks most useful, with the result that there are often multiple Italian candidates for the same position who burn each other out. We have seen this in the neglect to which the many talented Italian civil servants are left. As Tajani himself has acknowledged, almost always, when they get ahead, they do so independently, without any support from their own country. A system that has weakened the Italian presence in the Brussels bureaucracy, reducing its numbers, and has often failed to place the right person in the right place. Seven years ago, Prime Minister Paolo Gentiloni promoted the first State General. It was the first organic attempt to coordinate the Italian presence in Brussels, and some results were seen. Soon after, the government fell, the next ones did not try again, and the thing stopped.
Now we are trying again. The intention is definitely good, and the goal is right, provided we target the right people for the functions and not favour friends or return favours.
English version by the Translation Service of Withub
