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    Home » Director's Point of View » Samuel Johnson was right: ‘Patriotism is the last refuge of a scoundrel’

    Samuel Johnson was right: ‘Patriotism is the last refuge of a scoundrel’

    Lorenzo Robustelli</a> <a class="social twitter" href="https://twitter.com/@LRobustelli" target="_blank">@LRobustelli</a> by Lorenzo Robustelli @LRobustelli
    7 September 2026
    in Director's Point of View
    BANDIERA TEDESCA GERMANIA

    BANDIERA TEDESCA GERMANIA

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    “Patriotism is the last refuge of a scoundrel.” This is a phrase attributed to the 18th-century British intellectual Samuel Johnson by his biographer and friend, James Boswell.

    Johnson, a conservative, was of course not attacking the sincere and honest love of one’s country; rather, in an entire essay published in 1774 — of which the quotation is a stark distillation later delivered by the author in a public speech — he was criticising false patriotism. According to the intellectual, dishonest people resort to grand declarations of loyalty to conceal selfish motives or political greed, and scoundrels wrap themselves in the flag to avoid criticism and deceive public opinion. He targeted politicians whom he considered to be insincere, who used the word ‘patriot’ as a fashionable label to gain personal power rather than for genuine public service.

     Well, given the economic fundamentals and the election pledges, it is likely that the leaders of the AFD fall into this category – scoundrels who use patriotism as a lever to gain power, promising exhausted voters a bright future. A bit like Donald Trump did, with the brilliant results that are plain for all to see (especially for us diesel consumers, to keep things very down‑to‑earth). 

    This morning, my colleague Beda Romano – who presents ‘Prima Pagina’ on Rai Radio Tre and knows Germany well – explained (more or less) in a reply to a listener that Germans are prone to anxiety. In short, they are easily frightened by the future, which they tend to view as bleak (setting aside political overtones). In East Germany, where this small state of Saxony-Anhalt is located (2.1 million inhabitants, 2.5 per cent of the total; 1.7 million voters; a GDP of almost 82 billion, 1.8 per cent of the total; twelfth in the rankings), the economy is still struggling: it improved dramatically after reunification, but there are still many uncertainties. They exist at the national level, they exist in the wealthy Länder, and all the more so in a small one. The defence of the homeland has always struck a chord with frightened people, probably those with little education; in this case, young people ready to fight against something they probably do not even fully understand, but which has been thrust upon them through no fault of their own, and which they do not feel comfortable with. People are worried and seek protection. And history, as we know, has never taught us anything. It recounts what has happened, but it does not teach us to avoid repeating mistakes or to prevent farces.

     And then there is the issue of the elites, which crops up in countless analyses of why the far right enjoys such great electoral success. Or at least, why it is portrayed as such, because it worries those who do not vote for the far right. The ‘elites’ are that phenomenon whereby a country’s ruling class prioritises its own survival, often in a state of total – and largely unconscious – detachment from the rest of the country. For a political group to seek survival is normal – even legitimate – but when this becomes an end in itself, it is no longer quite so acceptable, because the majority and the opposition become indistinguishable, and when things go badly – or perhaps even well – it is no longer clear who is responsible; it is no longer possible to distinguish clearly, for example, in the case of grand coalition governments, who might raise a careful and serious voice of opposition. And so, if things go wrong, the entire ruling class is to blame, and citizens look to whichever political force promises them that things can change. And, since history teaches us nothing, even an irresponsible fascist or Nazi can pick up quite a few votes. Then, fortunately, in the long run, they are ousted from power, unless they resort to force. But in the meantime, they have usually caused irreversible damage, because they never bothered to learn how to govern, but only how to stay in power – which, as we have said, does not work in the long run. 

    The electoral success of these far-right parties – as seen yesterday in Germany, as is expected in France, and as might happen in Italy (and I mean even more extreme than they are today) – is therefore also down to this: the lack of an alternative proposal deemed credible. And so the citizen gives it a go; they try everything – partly because they do not know what those who come after them will realise when they see the disasters of the past. Because history does not teach us anything. Mussolini had to stage a coup to come to power, but Hitler won the elections.

    English version by the Translation Service of Withub
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