Brussels – Announced and completed enlargements, reforms launched and revised, and then the Russia‑Ukraine war, trade tensions, and the ECB’s decisions on interest rates. A wide range of developments marked a year full of events that directly affected the European Union. Eunews continues its now traditional exercise of selecting the events considered most significant. Here, then, is the EU’s 2025 from the beginning to the end, according to Eunews:
ACCESSION AND ENLARGEMENT: 2025 could be the year that defines the new enlargement of the European Union, for the entry of new member states. The accession package that the EU Commission presented at the end of the year (4 November) sets clear timelines for Montenegro and Albania: for the former, the completion of negotiations is set for 2026; for the latter, for 2027. It will therefore be these two countries that will swell the ranks of the twelve-star club, if reforms continue as estimated and Brussels’ forecasts are met. After years of work, something may finally be moving. The last enlargement took place in 2013, with the accession of Croatia. Since then, no one else has joined; instead, the United Kingdom left. 2025 could, therefore, mark a key moment for a turnaround.
MULTIANNUAL BUDGET: as the year draws to a close, the Commission presented the proposed new Multiannual Financial Framework of the EU, kicking off the usual negotiation process on one of the traditionally most sensitive topics; this time, it is starting with more tension than usual: the proposal to combine the resources for agricultural policy (CAP) and cohesion into a single fund displeases everyone. The European Parliament brands the overall structure of the proposal a “joke,” while in the Council member states dispute the demand for resources, seen as excessive, and the idea of endowing the EU with new own resources, i.e., money that governments do not have to pay. The Commission decides to proceed without making any corrections. 2026, from this point of view, could be a turning point, one way or the other.
COLLEGE D’EUROPE: At the end of the year, an investigation into alleged corruption and fraud involved the European External Action Service (EEAS), responsible for diplomatic relations with non-EU countries, and the College of Europe, the training and preparation school for future European officials. According to the EU Anti-Fraud Agency (OLAF) and the European Public Prosecutor’s Office, the institute benefited from confidential information obtained in advance to win the tender for the EEAS training programme. The Rector of the College of Europe, Federica Mogherini, and the former Italian Ambassador to the EU, Stefano Sannino, were arrested. Both were formally charged with corruption and fraud, released without conditions, and both resigned from their respective posts, but the investigation engulfed the EU and its image.
CUSTOM DUTIES: 2025 is the year of the EU-US clash, with the Trump administration threatening high trade tariffs and forcing the EU to negotiate a deal that would impose 15% tariffs on many goods. The agreement is announced at the end of July, after months of tensions and attempted talks between the two sides. The European Commission rejoices at having avoided a trade war and restored predictability for businesses and investors, but the agreement draws criticism from many sides.
EXTREME RIGHT: just as in 2024, the EU’s 2025 is also marked by the rapprochement of the People’s Party (EPP) with extreme right-wing forces, with a shift not only towards the conservatives (ECR), but also towards the sovereignists (PfE) and the eurosceptics (ESN). The most striking example of this new political set-up is the vote on corporate sustainability reporting in October: at the moment of truth, the compromise between the EPP, the socialists, and the liberals collapses. The combined votes of the EPP, PfE, ESN, and ECR mark a shift to the right that reshapes the entire political agenda. The EPP is discovering that it can call the shots in Parliament, with two possible and opposing majorities.
FRANCE AND GERMANY IN CRISIS: 2025 is likely the year that marks the end of an EU driven politically by France and Germany. In Germany, the 23 February federal elections saw the affirmation of the CDU/CSU union and the return to the head of government of a member of Angela Merkel’s former party, Friedrich Merz. The Social Democrats end up in third place, with the eurosceptic far‑right AfD becoming the second‑largest party. The new government was formed only two months later, and only after Merz failed to win the confidence vote due to dissenters during the parliamentary ballot. It is the first time since 1949 that a designated chancellor has failed to secure an absolute majority. Merz takes office after a second vote and stands as a leader who is anything but solid. The situation in France is even more fragile, with government crises continuing unabated. In August, Parliament withdraws its confidence from François Bayrou and his cabinet, and the President of the Republic, Emmanuel Macron, has to reconstitute a new government. He does so by drawing from the ranks of the ESN (Together for the Republic), the presidential majority, and appointing Sébastien Lecornu, whose executive was short-lived: it took office on 9 September and resigned a month later, on 12 October. Macron’s “fault” is wanting to immediately form a new executive, unable to function due to the internal dissent within a far-from-solid coalition. Macron, however, followed the same approach and immediately confirmed Lecornu and the new team of ministers, only slightly different and with the inclusion of technocrats (Jean-Pierre Farandou at Labour, Monique Barbut at Ecological Transition, Serge Papin at SMEs and Trade, Philippe Baptiste at Education and Research, Eduard Geffray at National Education, Philippe Tabarot at Transport, Vincent Jeanbrun at Housing Policy). Meanwhile, the Europgroup places France under special surveillance for the health of public accounts. The Franco-German engine is sputtering, and the EU no longer has a driving force.
GREEN DEAL: 2025 sees a redefinition of the sustainability targets in the Green Deal, the EU’s broad agenda for the twin green and digital transition. Regarding deforestation, there is an initiative introducing new simplifications aimed at loosening the rules, alongside calls for further postponements of the law. More importantly, it is the President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, who opens to greater flexibility, with the use of advanced biofuels, an option that the EU executive had always rejected. The Green Deal is not in question, but it is being trimmed down. In any case, these are steps backwards compared to the previous legislature.
HOUSING: the EU’s 2025 is marked by a whole new focus on the housing crisis. On 30 January, the special parliamentary committee, created to address a problem widespread across the European Union, was established. There is unprecedented political mobilisation: a single 300 billion-euro fund is even floated, and, for the first time, at the European Council summit in October, the issue becomes the subject of debate among the heads of state and government, resulting in formal conclusions. The European Commission is mandated to draw up an ambitious plan, and it is agreed that an ad hoc summit on the subject will be held in 2026.
INVESTMENTS: The EU’s 2025 for the second von der Leyen Commission marks a new chapter in defining mechanisms and strategies to promote investment. To remain competitive, the ECB sees the need to increase in annual investments, of 1.2 trillion euros between 2025 and 2031 from the previously forecast 800 billion. The EU executive then tries to reverse course through initiatives aimed at tapping resources yet to be found. This is to be achieved at the end of the year, through targeted interventions designed to address specific challenges, accompanied by financial literacy strategies to boost savers’ investments.
WHITE PAPER ON DEFENCE: The EU 2025 is all about defence. On 14 March, the Commission presents the strategy to build that piece of integration that has always been missing. The document outlines how to transform the EU politically and industrially, with the EU executive seeking to establish a supranational control room. The cornerstone of the SAFE proposal is the EUR 150 billion loan mechanism to member states to finance heavy industry. Priority is given to joint procurement, the creation of consortia, and the identification of priority areas of intervention. The instructions issued to governments through an agenda that, over the course of 2025, features initiatives to turn the defence white paper into reality. Readiness 2030 is the internal security strategy released a few weeks after the White Paper, while in October, the work calendar is unveiled to equip the EU to face all sorts of threats by 2030. On 1 September, the country breakdown of SAFE funds is unveiled: the EU is serious.
NO-CONFIDENCE MOTION: 2025 is characterised by censure motions against Ursula von der Leyen and her Commission, no less than three in the space of a few months. The first vote of confidence was held on 10 July, with the House rejecting the censure (360 votes against, 175 in favour, and 18 abstentions). Conservative MEP Gheorghe Piperea asked to verify the majority support for the Commission in the wake of the tariff agreements. On 9 October, two more motions of censure were voted on, tabled by the radical left (The Left) and sovereignists (PfE) for different reasons: the former contesting the trampling of the Green Deal and negotiating trade agreements harmful to the EU economy, the latter accusing the Commission of a lack of transparency in negotiating contracts for anti-COVID-19 vaccines. The Strasbourg Chamber rejected the motion tabled by the Patriots group with 378 votes against, 179 in favour, and 37 abstentions, and also rejected The Left group’s motion with 383 no, 133 yes, and 78 abstentions.
IRANIAN NUCLEAR: 2025 marks the end of the rapprochement between the European Union and Iran, with the EU reimposing sanctions on the ayatollahs’ regime after 11 years, in response to its intention to resume uranium‑enrichment activities and acquire nuclear technology. The EU began phasing out restrictive measures in 2014, without ever reinstating them or introducing new ones, but a lack of cooperation led the EU to revert to the past.
OMNIBUS: 2025 is the year of regulatory simplification. The European Commission chose to proceed with revisions of directives and regulations to enable companies to invest more and better. It did so through Omnibus packages covering several areas and sectors, from defence to artificial intelligence, from sustainability to enterprise. This is the EU executive’s commitment to business-friendly and competitiveness-friendly transitions. The initiative is appreciated by businesses and part of the political world, where there is no shortage of concern about a simplification seen as a preamble to deregulation. On 26 February, the first two Omnibus packages on sustainability and investment are approved, followed by Omnibus packages for agriculture (20 May), internal market and SMEs (21 May), defence (17 June), chemicals and cosmetics (8 July), digital (19 November), and environment (10 December).
NRRP: Italy’s 2025 progress from an EU perspective is reflected in the implementation of the National Recovery and Resilience Plan (NRRP). On 1 July, Brussels announces the approval of the national programme for a new allocation of resources, and on 8 August the Commission disburses the seventh tranche, worth 18.3 billion euros. On 1 December, the government receives the green light from the EU executive to grant a further EUR 12.8 billion: this is the preliminary OK needed for the disbursement of the eighth installment. With the two 2025 decisions, Italy will have obtained 153 billion, more than two-thirds of the total NRRP amount of 194.4 billion.
QATARGATE: The investigation into alleged vote-buying within the European Parliament continues into 2025. In March, the Belgian judiciary requested that the parliamentary immunity of Alessandra Moretti and Elisabetta Gualmini (PD/S&D) be lifted, and in December, the European Parliament granted it only for Moretti.
REPATRIATIONS: The return regulation, along with the new criteria for considering third countries safe and the first EU list of safe countries of origin, mark the EU’s turn to the right and a new clampdown on irregular immigration. An acceleration impressed by the Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, her Danish counterpart Mette Frederiksen, and the President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen. The “Albania model” and the outsourcing of asylum and repatriation procedures won. Member countries will be able to enter into agreements with third countries to create hubs outside the EU.
SCHENGEN: The area of free movement of people, goods, and capital in 2025 turns a new page with the full entry of Romania and Bulgaria. From 1 January, land border controls, the only ones left, are removed, completely integrating the two eastern countries. A historic milestone in the year the Schengen area celebrates its 40th anniversary.
INTEREST RATES: 2025 was the year of continued European Central Bank monetary policy easing, with several interest rate cuts, thereby reducing the cost of borrowing for banks and, in turn, for businesses and households. Initiated in 2024, this path continued in 2025, with the Governing Council cutting interest rates on several occasions (January, March, April, and June) but leaving them unchanged in December.
UKRAINE: 2025 sees the EU reasoning about using Russian assets on European soil to finance the reconstruction of Ukraine. The idea occupies a lot of space on the political agenda, which only goes so far. At the last leaders’ summit of the year, they opted for a 90 billion euro bridge loan to be raised on the markets, backed by guarantees from the common multiannual budget, along with the intention to resolve all legal and juridical issues concerning Russian assets in 2026. The EU continues to help Ukraine and respond to the Russian advance and is postponing some of its work into the New Year. The EU will continue to help Ukraine and respond to the Russian advance.
VARELY 007: The year drawing to a close marks yet another chapter in the complicated relationship between the EU and Viktor Orbán’s Hungary. In October, a group of newspapers revealed spying activities carried out by Hungarian agents under diplomatic cover between 2012 and 2018, a period when the current Commissioner, Olivér Várhelyi, was head of Budapest’s Permanent Representation to the EU. 2025 was marked by stories of 007s acting against the EU. Certainly not a good year from this point of view.
EURO ZONE: 2025 is the year that marks the new expansion of the monetary union: on June 4, the European Commission recommended the introduction of the euro in Bulgaria, followed by positive opinions from the Council and the ECB. As of January 1, 2026, the eurozone will expand to 21 Member States
English version by the Translation Service of Withub
